e n

A DNT perspective on the 2024 Maharashtra Assembly Elections

The DNT, NT and other small communities have helped Mahayuti emerge from a crisis. We expect the new government to return the favour, writes Haribhau Rathod

In the recently concluded Maharashtra elections, an overconfident Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA), smug from its success in the Parliament elections, took on a Mahayuti alliance that had learnt lessons from its defeat and reached out to the numerous OBC communities. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) threw its weight behind the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the largest constituent of the Mahayuti alliance. The result took everyone, except those who had their ear to the ground, by surprise. The Mahayuti trounced the MVA.

In the land of its birth, the RSS went about its work quietly to avoid a repeat of the Parliament elections drubbing, in which the Mahayuti had lagged behind in 158 assembly constituencies. To make sure that the Maratha agitation didn’t impact the Mahayuti adversely, it reached out to the many small communities including the Denotified Tribes (DNT) and Nomadic Tribes (NT), in their wadi (colony), tanda (caravan) and basti (settlements). It was microplanning all the way through. They managed to arouse the fear that Hindutva was almost dead and defunct and needed revival, while pointing out that the politics of appeasement of Muslims was dangerous and harmful to the nation. Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath used the slogan “Batenge toh Katenge” (If you are divided you will be chopped dead) to good effect. This resulted in the polarization, to an extent, of Hindus against Muslims. In the process, most of the OBC votes went to the Mahayuti, compensating for any losses caused by the agitation of Manoj Jarange Patil for Maratha reservation. Besides, Maratha leaders Eknath Shinde and Ajit Pawar had the full backing of the BJP and the RSS in their efforts to woo their Maratha constituencies.

The MVA let themselves down. There was no unanimity among its leaders. There appeared to be many contenders for the chief minister’s post. They were unable to communicate to the public about the welfare schemes promised in their manifesto. They also took the Maratha support for granted. The Maratha community did not take Jarange seriously after he started changing his stand every hour. At one moment, he was going to field his own candidates, only to backtrack later and ask them to withdraw. Yet, he neither endorsed MVA nor the Mahayuti. 

Uddhav Thackeray and Sanjay Raut directed their energies towards targeting Prime Minister Modi, Home Minister Amit Shah and Deputy Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis. Their use of terms like “Khoke” and “Gaddar” smacked of arrogance. The MVT looked bereft of ideas and soon its propaganda had become stale and ineffective.

Because the Mahayuti were in power, they announced and implemented several schemes in the run-up to the elections. They announced the Sant Sevalal Maharaj Banjara/Laman Tanda Samruddhi Yojana for the Banjara community and other similar schemes. The RSS tasked the saints and sadhus of all castes with talking up nationalism and Hindutva, which they did effectively. On the other hand, the MVA did not speak up against fanatical Muslim voices of the campaign. 

Members of the pastoralist Dhangar community halt in Vada taluka of Maharashtra in June 2020 (Photo courtesy: Shraddha Agarwal/ People’s Archive of Rural India (PARI)

What next for Sharad Pawar and Uddhav Thackeray?

The biggest loser in these elections has been Uddhav Thackeray. In eschewing radical Hindutva, Thackeray dispensed with the very lifeline of Shiv Sena. The Supreme Court has yet to rule on which is the true Shiv Sena – Thackeray’s or Shinde’s – but the traditional Shiv Sena voter seems to have made up their mind. The big challenge for Thackeray is to keep his elected MLAs with him for the next five years. If he is able to hold on to them, that will be counted as a major accomplishment. He has also suffered because of the loose, baseless and illogical statements made by the likes of Sanjay Raut and Sushma Andhare, which the Maharashtrian public has clearly shown its dislike for. 

Sharad Pawar has not suffered much, because both factions of the National Congress Party (NCP) are with the Pawar family. Not much unrest or discontent is seen as a result. It won’t come as a surprise to anyone if the entire Pawar family sits down together in the near future, puts an end to the quarrels and gives full charge to Ajit Pawar. Even Sharad Pawar knows his faction on its own does not have a bright future. If Sharad Pawar retires from politics, that will be the end of the faction. Hence, it will be in the interest of NCP as well as Maharashtra that the Pawar family reunites. On the other hand, the Congress Party is missing a strong leader.

Harping on EVM rigging, politicization of religion, money power won’t serve any purpose. The MVA should be humble enough to accept the people’s verdict, look inwards and course-correct.

Mahayuti should have its feet on the ground 

It is the poor and the neglected who have put their faith in the Mahayuti. The new government will have to strive to prove that they deserve the faith placed in them. The Mahayuti will have to address some serious issues affecting the public. Farmers do not get proper prices for their produce and have to cope with high prices of other necessities. There is poverty, widespread unemployment, the increasing trend of powerful people cornering benefits meant for weaker sections by submitting false caste certificates, leakage of examination papers, and the low standard of education. Success achieved in one election does not automatically replicate in the elections to come. The DNT, NT and other small communities have helped Mahayuti emerge from a crisis. We expect the new government to return the favour. 

[Edited by Anil Varghese/Amrish Herdenia]

About The Author

Haribhau Rathod

Haribhau Rathod is the national president of Rashtriya Banjara Kranti Dal and a former MP and MLC.

Related Articles

Maharashtra Assembly Elections: OBCs teach Jarange’s patron Sharad Pawar a lesson
Every informed person knows that it was Sharad Pawar who polarized the Marathas against the OBCs. In the 2024 Assembly Elections, safety in the...
How the SEED programme meant for DNTs has failed to germinate
The Scheme for Economic Empowerment of DNTs (SEED) ironically lacks focus on the DNTs and the personnel supposed to implement the scheme lack knowledge...
Ayodhya, Sambhal, and Ajmer: Without the Ashraaf gospel, there would be no Hindutva playbook
While the Brahmin-Savarna experimented with strategies to mobilize the majority through various political projects, including Hindutva, at different historical junctures, the Sayed-Ashraaf took to...
Maharashtra Assembly Elections: Latest casualty of the OBC tsunami is Eknath Shinde
Every party that accorded political importance to Maratha reservation was punished by the OBCs in the very next election. In 2014, Prithviraj Chavan lost...
Maharashtra elections: Again, for the OBCs, ‘even a Brahmin is preferable to a Maratha’  
When the results of the Haryana Assembly elections were announced on 8 October 2024, all pollsters ended up with egg on their faces. On...